Translation of article by Valerio Guizzardi, ‘C’è ancora molto da fare e il tempo stringe’, published on Commonware (30 April 2015)

See the original on Commonware

In Val di Susa, Cremona, Torino, Milano, Bologna, and more towns and cities in the near future – especially where movements have emerged that display a high degree of strength and organisation – practices of normalisation and disciplination have been and will be attempted through repressive measures not even resorted to during the dark 20 years of the Republic: devastation and looting, warrants,  prohibition of residence, pre-emptive arrests, and frequent prosecution. And with a showcase event such as the opening of Expo in Milan coming up – an event expected to be met with a massive social mobilization of opposition on Mayday – precautionary measures are being enforced.

Nothing that challenges the imposition of permanent precarity, the corporatization of academia, the destruction of the welfare state, the extreme impoverishment of increasingly large sections of the population, the subordination of social cooperation to productivity, the economization of time to extract new and lucrative profits is tolerated anymore.

This is a new – but not so novel – model of governance that has renounced any social legitimation and exhausted rhetoric of representativeness: Renzi’s party of the Nation proposes itself as the unifying element for any conservative and reactionary instance – one committed to expel any dissenting voice – even if it comes from the right: these are the rules dictated by ultra-liberal governance.

PD practices exemplify the pure exercise of power autonomous of any social dynamic. To achieve this desired aim it cannot but autonomise justice: it cannot but enforce the law by any means necessary. This is why the government, faced with the injunction by the European Convention on Human Rights to introduce torture as a crime in the penal code, sought the advice of the consortium of police syndicates, a sort of Party of the Police, in order to draft the legislative text. This is a useless law because impossible to implement in its totality, at a remove from the UN Convention with which all Western have complied. This shows the extent to which there is only one means by which the government deals, and will deal, with the social unrest intensified by the crisis: violence. For this reason no means, not even the most extreme, is precluded to state repression.

To this disquieting picture must be added that of a judiciary that, invested with special powers and right to derogate from Constitutional law to combat “terrorism” in the 1970s, has transformed from state to autonomous and independent body committed to preserve its class privileges. This puts obstacles in the path of any government attempting reforms which could be perceived by magistrates as undue interference with their own affairs.

But in order for magistrates to be able to conduct their affairs undisturbed, social peace is necessary. Therefore, in the same way as they must protect themselves from politics, they must also make sure that constituent power not prevail over constituted power, and that attempts at emancipation from the capitalist neoliberal mode of production and governance be suppressed. The issue comes full circle.

It therefore becomes incumbent on movements and subaltern classes to develop a theoretical analysis as well as a practice that should be recomposing, unifying and subversive of the current state of affairs. There is a lot to do and not much time to do it.